Volume 13 , Issue 10

The Time of Indian Peril In Virginia

According to The History of Highland County, Virginia, the time of Indian peril in Highland county, Virginia began near the small Indian village of the Shawnees about 60 miles down the South Branch. The red men used the valley of Virginia only as a hunting ground and military highway, along which bands of Northern and Southern Indians made forays against one another. The chief of these war trails lay through the Shenandoah Valley and was known as "Indian Road" and alluded to in the surveyor's book.

If you would travel below Millboro in Bath county, you might see a memento of the War Trail in the form of a mound containing skeletons. They say tradition has it that the mound is the result of a fight between Indian bands, and that a girl whose lover was in the affray watched the combat from a hilltop.

In 1742 there was a battle near Balcony Falls with a party of Mingoes. Capt. McDowell turned loose the passions of the Indians by treating them liberally with whiskey.

Small hunting parties often visited the homes of the settlers, and through them and the traders they picked up a serviceable knowledge of the white man's tongue. Their English vocabulary was well supplied with terms of abuse and profanity.

The Indian was very hospitable, and when he came to a house he expected something to eat. Neither was he backward in making his wants known. But the Indians would sometimes plunder, and their exactions were a burden as well as annoyance. To the Indian, the white was an intruder to pilfer from whom was not very wrong. To the white, the Indian was more objectionable than a tramp was to to the white.

More than twenty years after the founding of Augusta, there was peace, such as it was, between the races. The clash came though the rival ambitions of two white nations. The English and the French fought three wars in America. The French claimed all the country west of the Alleghany divide, and so did the English.

By 1754 the British-Americans had not only pushed inward to this very line, but were pressing beyond it. Settlements of the former had several times been compelled to fight for their very existence. The weak, scattered settlements of the French had usually been let alone. This was because of the difference between the two nations in their attitude toward the Indian.

The Frenchman did not clear the land by wholesale nor did they elbow the native out of the way. The French often took an Indian wife, he lived like the native when with him, and the latter was benefitted by the commodities he received for his pelts.

The British Colonist preferred a wife of his own color. His numbers were greater. He cleared the land as he came along, and he scared away the larger game. The British colonists esteemed the room of the red man preferable to his company, and in dealing with him he had less tact than the Frenchman and less influence. When Governor Dinwiddie precipitated the fighting that took place between 1754 and 1760, the tribes generally sided with the French and were very helpful allies.

In 1755 Braddock marched his army against Fort Duquesne. Had he taken the place he would have dealt the French power an effective blow at a vital point, and the Indians would have been held in check. Braddock met a needless and crushing defeat and his routed redcoats fled in panic to the very coast. A frontier of hundreds of miles was at once exposed to Indian depredation. Flushed with triumph at their easy victory, the red warriors from the Ohio proceeded to persistently carry out attacks on the frontier with fire and tomahawk.

News of Braddock's defeat reached the Augusta people in just one week and created consternation. Hundreds of people fled across the Blue Ridge, while others stayed manfully in their settlements.

Washington was assigned the defense of the frontier with headquarters at Winchester. His force was entirely too small to protect so long a line effectually. To make matters worse the men of one county were not inclined to help those of another. Washington's letters give a vivid idea of those distressful days.

April 15, 1756, Washington reports that "All my ideal hopes of raising a number of men to search the adjacent mountains have vanished into nothing." Nine days later he says, "Not an hour, nay, scarcely a minute passes that does not produce fresh alarms and melancholy accounts."

Still another letter declares that, "The deplorable situation of these people is no more to be described than is my anxiety and uneasiness for their relief."

The Highland area went through this trying ordeal with less injury than Bath to the South of Pendleton to the North. Some damage was inflicted, yet there was no exterminating raid into the Bullpasture Valley, to which the settlement was as yet almost wholly confined.

The log house of the frontier was built with reference to possible attack. It was near a spring. The door could be strongly barred. The windows were too small for a man to crawl through. There were loopholes in the walls through which the inmates could fire. And it possible it was not too near the spot where the enemy could find cover. You might get lucky to find houses in this region that still stand and in some instances still occupied. You might find in the walls of the houses the shooting-holes which were afterward covered by the weatherboarding.

In time of special danger the cabin was abandoned and the family took refuge in the nearest fort. A man taken by surprise near Fort Lewis in Bath county could not get into his cabin in time to escape a flying tomahawk which might graze his head. The wife might put the husband on the bed, bolt the door, and kept the enemy at bay with the husband's gun.

Two indians might mount the roof and begin to descend the cavernous chimney. The woman at once would pull the bedtick from the bed under the man and throw it on the live coals.

Stupified by the smoke the first indian would fall through and was promptly tomahawked. The second coming to his aid shared his fate, leaving the victory with the plucky pioneer wife and women.

The stockade with blockhouse inside was a much better protection than the strongest cabin. It was an easier means to keep the enemy at a safe distance in any direction. The whites got careless at times. Being used to an outdoor life it was wearisome to stay cooped up in a little enclosure. If the enemy were not positively known to be near, they would take very imprudent risks, and were often killed or captured by Indians lurking near the fort.

It was practice for two or more rangers to set out from a stockade with provisions for 3 or 4 days, and watch the trails and passes in the vicinity. Sometimes guarding a circuit of thirty miles. If signs of Indians were detected, an alarm was given so families at their own homes could flee to the fort.

During the winter season the settlers were quite safe, though. The Indians were not inclined to maraud while food was scarce and the forest leaves fallen.

One actual stockade was built in Highland and stood in the Bullpasture bottom midway between the Clover Creek Mill and the residence of L. M. McClung. It was thus on the land of Wallace Estill, whose house appears to have stood a few yards beyond the southern angle. It was the tradition that the fort meadow was never plowed. Though every vestige of log has crumbled into dust, the outline of the fort may be traced because of never being plowed.

The stockade was about ninety feet square, placed diamond-wise with reference to the direction of the valley. At each angle it was a bastion ten feet square. Inside the western angle was the power house about twelve feet square. A few yards beyond the southern angle stood a house, probably Estill's dwelling, about eighteen by twenty-two feet with an annex twelve by twelve.

Under the main portion of the house was a cellar. Toward the river from near the east corner of the stockade were plain traces of a short covered way leading to a shallow ravine, once the river channel. The fort was built under the direction of some person who understood the correct principles of fortification.

The walls in accordance with the custom of the time were of logs set firmly into the ground, rising to a height above 10 to 12 feet. The fort was not only in the heart of the Bullpasture settlement, not too near a commanding elevation, but the fort guarded the road which crossed the river in its course from Bolar Run to the Calfpasture.

There is some mystery, but it would seem highly probable that the fort was put up in accordance with the following letter from Dinwiddie to Washington, dated Sept. 11, 1754:

"I now order you to give a detachment of forty or fifty men to Capt. Lewis. With them he is to march immediately to Augusta county in order to protect our frontier from the incursions of small parties of Indians, and I suppose some French. Order him to march immediately, and to apply to Col. Patton, the County-Lieutenant, who will direct him where to proceed that he may be most useful"

Andrew Lewis obeyed instructions by marching Oct. 6 (1754), within the next month he built a fort. Feb 12, 1755, the Governor ordered him to garrison his fort with an ensign, a corporal, and eighteen privates. The ensign chosen to hold the post was William Wright.

The Governor instructed, "To keep a good look out," to be exact in his duties, to make short excursions from the fort, and in case of alarm to apply to the County Lieutenant to have some of his militia ready at an hour's notice. But by the next July, and before Braddock's defeat, Wright was sent elsewhere, probably to the Holston River.

The Clover Creek Fort stood on a direct road to Staunton and held vigil over a point which it was important to protect. West of Jack Mountain there were scarcely any settlers at all. Northward for almost 20 miles beyond the head of the Bullpasture there were almost none. Southward in Bath there was a considerable number, but for their protection were Forts Lewis, Dickinson, Dinwiddie, and another fort at Green Valley.

It is rather singular that the name had been forgotten, but from a letter written by Joseph Carpenter, it is conjectured that it was named Fort Nelson. BUT ... this is only surmised.

The stockade was never assaulted, though on one occasion arrows were thrown at it from the hillside across the river. During the summer of 1754 and afterward, the people of the settlement forted here, and according to a statement by the late Mrs. Susan Wright (daughter of Christopher Graham), two boys [Robert Carlile (great uncle to the late John G. Carlisle of Kentucky) and Christopher Graham] were born in the stockade on the very day of Braddock's defeat, July 9, 1755.

In the fall of 1755, Washington came from Fort Cumberland on a tour of inspection, and went as far as Fort Dinwiddie. It is believed that he must have come by way of the Clover Creek fort since there was no other direct road. This was the only visit to Highland by Washington.

With one prominent exception, there seems very little knowledge of particular damage by the Indians within the Highland area. A Henderson and Wade of the Gum connection are said to have been killed by Indians. John Shaw was probably a victim. A boy of the same name was spared by being concealed by a woman within the folds of her dress. Lewis Taggart, who married a sister to James Hicklin, was taken to Canada and a ransom demanded. The emissary, half French and half Indian, who went to steal him away had trouble convincing him that all was right. They came down the Ohio living on parched corn. The guide dressed a polecat, but Taggart found he was not hungry for that sort of game.

July 27, 1756 there was a council of war held in Staunton. It was resolved to build 10 forts for the defense of the 250 miles of Augusta frontier and to garrison them with 680 men. Among the recommendations of forts were at the Upper Tract and Trout Rock in Pendleton; at Matthew Harper's on the Bullpasture; and at Captain John Miller's, near Vanderpool Gap.

The scheme was given up, with only one or two of the forts being built. The council made no mention of the fort at Clover Creek, which the distance from Harper's on a short course being only four miles. It was possible the fort had burned, but there is no recollection of such event.

In two battles at Highland, Virginia in 1763, An Indian band exterminated the Greenbrier settlement; ambushed, defeated a party under Captain Moffet at Falling Spring in Bath; passed over to the Cowpasture and burned the Dougherty home.

The band divided, the smaller party returning and the larger making a destructive raid on the Kerr's Creek settlement. On its return it camped near the head of Back Creek.

A pursuing party under Captains Lewis, Dickinson and Christian overtook the Indians and nearly effaced a surprise. It was decided to attack at three points. two men sent in advance were to fire if they found the enemy had taken alarm.

They fell upon two Indians, one leading a horse, the other holding a buck upon it. To avoid discovery they fired, and Christian's men charged with a yell. The other parties were not quite up, and retreating in the erection whence there was no noise, the Indians escaped with little loss aside from the stolen goods, which sold at $1,200. Only one white was said to have been killed.

The Indians who escaped were overhauled on Straight Fork, four miles above the state line, their whereabouts being betrayed by their camp fire. All were killed but one, and the cook's brains were scattered into his pot. Their carrying poles were seen around the area many years later with ancient guns also found on the spot.

The disposal of the recovered property caused at least one lawsuit. The declaration in the case of William Gilmore vs. George Wilson reads: "During the late war the Indians came to the plantation where the plaintiff lived, and after killing his father and mother, robbed them and the said plaintiff of almost everything they had, and amongst the rest the horse in dispute -- that the defendant and several others pursued the Indians for some days and retook great part of the things belonging to the plaintiff, the horse in dispute being part thereof."

The plaintiff won because of the following condition: "We agree the inhabitants of Car's Creek (the plaintiff not one of them) offered to any persons that would go after the Indians and redeem the prisoners they should have all plunder belonging to them."

In September, 1756, 13 persons were killed around Fort Dinwiddie, including John Byrd, James Mayse, James Montgomery, George Kinkead, and Nicholas Carpenter. Two others were mentioned as wounded, while 28, mostly children, were carried away. Among these were: Mrs. Byrd and 6 children; Mrs. Kinkead and 3 children; 5 children of Joseph Carpenter, who was also taken but escaped.

In 1757, Sergeant Henry, James Stuart, and 3 others were killed, 3 wounded and James McClung and 13 more were taken. In 1758, John and William McCreary, Moses Moore, and a boy named William Ward were captured. In this year Fort Dudquesne fell and there was a partial respite from further depredation.

It was thought that on the occasion of the Stuart murder that a man coming to his house found warm cabbage and pone on the table, but no person about. The man hurried on to a fort with an Indian alarm.

The capture of Mrs. Byrd and her children took place while fleeing to Fort Dinwiddie on lower Jackson's River. There was no further account of the mother and four of the children. The oldest girl of 10 years is said to have married an Indian. The only one to return was John Jr. Byrd, who was 8 years old when carried away. When he was returned a boy of 16 years, he was wearing a gold chain fastened to punctures in his nose and ears.

His bravery put him in high favor with his captors. They had him climb trees to drive bears out of them, but took care that he was not harmed. The only time he took fright was when he heard a gun and knew a bear was making for him. The Indians were greatly attached to the boy and intended making him a chief. He made two attempts to return to them, but was prevented, and became ancestor of the Byrds of Bath and Highland.

Without the French help and after the collapse of the French power, the Indians were humbled by expeditions sent against them. By the treaty of 1764, the Indians were required to give up their captives (32 men and 58 women and children) and they were rested to their Virginia homes.

The Indians were kind to the captives they adopted. When the white adoptees had been taken in childhood they were usually so unwilling to part with their Indian comrades that force had to be used.

Another of the restored captives was the wife of William Kincaid of the Calfpasture. She was kindly treated, especially at the birth of a daughter, a few months after she was carried off. An older daughter, whose name was Isabella, was not restored till afterward. She was found by Captain Charles Lewis in a village on the Muskingum. She was dressed in skins, spoke only the Indian language, and clung to the skirt of a squaw.

Captain David Gwin, who was with Lewis, was certain that he recognized the girl, and at his suggestion the interpreter told the squaw to take off the child's moccasin. A little toe was found missing, which had accidentally been cut off by her brother. She married Andrew Hamilton and one of her descendants was the wife of Captain John S. Wise of the city of New York. Captain David Gwin named his first child by his second marriage for Isabella Kincaid (Kincead/kincade).

There is knowledge of a raid as far as the Cowpasture in 1774, shortly before the Battle of Point Pleasant, and an alarm in 1783 caused women and children to flee across the Shenandoah. Not until Waynes victory in 1795, a period of more than thirty years, was there the assurance that danger from the native was wholly an episode of the past.

The Highland people of 1754-64 were young, thinly frontier community, compelled to live within reach of the stockaded fort. They were also compelled to use watchful care with the help of large dogs for protection against the approach through the deep woods of the Indians. All this was a heavy item in the cost of subduing the wilderness.
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